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<text id=93CT1660>
<title>
Cyprus--History
</title>
<history>
Compact ALMANAC--CIA Factbook
Southwest Asia
Cyprus
</history>
<article>
<source>CIA World Factbook</source>
<hdr>
History
</hdr>
<body>
<p> Cypriot recorded history dates to the late Bronze Age
(1600-1050 B.C.), when Greek traders and settlers landed and
established a Hellenic culture. Beginning in 700 B.C., the
island fell successively under Assyrian, Egyptian, and Persian
domination. In 58 B.C., Rome annexed Cyprus. With the division
of the Roman Empire in A.D. 364, Cyprus was incorporated into
Byzantium. During 800 years of Byzantine rule, Cyprus was
attacked frequently. After brief possession by Richard the
Lion-Hearted, the island came under Frankish control in the late
12th century. It was ceded to the Venetian Republic in 1489 and
conquered by the Ottoman Turks in 1571. The Ottomans applied the
millet system to Cyprus, under which non-Muslim minorities were
governed by their religious authorities. This system reinforced
the position of the church and the cohesion of the ethnic Greek
population. Most of the Turks who settled on the island during
the three centuries of Ottoman rule remained when control of
Cyprus (although not sovereignty) was ceded to Great Britain in
1878. Many, however, left for Turkey during the 1920s. The
island was annexed formally by Great Britain in 1914 at the
outbreak of World War I and became a crown colony in 1925.
</p>
<p> Revolt Against British Rule
</p>
<p> During the later years of Ottoman rule, a strong sense of
Greek identity and a desire for union with Greece (enosis)
emerged within the Greek Cypriot community. These sentiments
intensified under British colonial administration and
translated ultimately into political action. Riots broke out in
1931. The British declared a state of emergency. Agitation for
enosis subsided during World War II but resumed after the war.
In 1955, the Greek Cypriot EOKA (National Organization of
Cypriot Fighters) launched a guerrilla campaign against British
rule, while Greek Cypriot political leaders, principally
Archbishop Makarios, brought their cause before the United
Nations and other international bodies. Turkish Cypriots
objected to union with Greece and called for partition of the
island. EOKA's anti-British campaign led to outbreaks of
intercommunal violence.
</p>
<p> The Greek Government endorsed Greek Cypriot claims to
majority rule and self-determination. The Turkish Government,
however, pointing out that application of these principles would
lead to enosis, contented that Turkey's national interests and
the security of the Turkish Cypriots would require partitioning
the island between Greece and Turkey should the British decide
to relinquish control. These differences strained relations
between the United Kingdom, Greece, and Turkey.
</p>
<p> Independence
</p>
<p> Under the circumstances, the concept of an independent
Cyprus gained currency. At a meeting in Zurich in February 1959,
the prime ministers of Greece and Turkey endorsed Cypriot
independence and agreed on the fundamental structure of an
independent republic. Later that month, representatives of the
United Kingdom and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities
joined those of Greece and Turkey at the followup conference in
London, where the Zurich agreement was ratified by all
participants, and arrangements were made to draft a
constitution and associated agreements.
</p>
<p> On August 16, 1960, Cyprus became independent. On the same
day, the constitution and a series of treaties involving the
United Kingdom, Greece, Turkey, and the new republic went into
effect. The treaties prohibited both enosis and partition of
the island between Greece and Turkey, and established Greece,
Turkey, and the United Kingdom and guarantors of Cypriot
independence, territorial integrity, security, and the
republic's constitution. The treaties also reserved to the
guarantors the right to take collective or individual action to
fulfill the obligations, and provided for tripartite Cypriot,
Greek, and Turkish defense of the island. Under the Treaty of
Establishment, the United Kingdom retained sovereignty over two
base areas on the island--Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
</p>
<p> Shortly after the founding of the republic, serious
differences arose between Greek and Turkish Cypriots over the
implementation and interpretation of the constitution. Problems
developed over forming a national army, staffing the public
services, and legislating customs duties and an income tax. In
1962, friction arose over implementation of the constitution's
provision for separate Turkish Cypriot municipalities. Internal
discussions aimed at resolving these differences broke down in
mid-1963. In November, President Makarios proposed a series of
constitutional revisions that would have eliminated the special
protections accorded the Turkish Cypriots in the 1960
constitution and would have introduced a straightforward
majority system of representation. The Turkish Cypriots resisted
these revisions and, after an outbreak of intercommunal violence
in December, terminated participation in the Government of
Cyprus.
</p>
<p> Crises of 1963-64 and 1967
</p>
<p> Intercommunal fighting continued through 1964, with the
attendant danger of hostilities between Greece and Turkey.
Initially, British troops stationed in the sovereign base areas
sought to establish and enforce a ceasefire, but when these
efforts failed, the UN Security Council considered the matter,
and by a resolution of March 4, 1964, recommended the creation
of a UN peace force in Cyprus, UNFICYP (UN Peacekeeping Force
in Cyprus) continues to exist, 23 years after its creation. The
March 1964 resolution also authorized the UN Secretary General
to designate a mediator to promote a peaceful, mutually
acceptable settlement of the Cyprus problem.
</p>
<p> In early 1964, the United States first became actively
involved in the Cyprus question when Under Secretary of State
George W. Ball traveled to the eastern Mediterranean in an
effort to dampen intercommunal tensions and to lessen the risks
of open Greek-Turkish conflict. In June, when it appeared that
Turkey was preparing to invade Cyprus, President Lyndon B.
Johnson sent a strongly worded letter to Turkish Prime Minister
Ismet Inonu warning against such a step. Later in 1964, former
Secretary of State Dean Acheson put forward two proposed
solutions to the Cyprus problem involving union with Greece in
exchange for establishment of a Turkish base on the island and
cession of a Greek island to Turkey. These proposals were
rejected by Greece and Turkey and by President Makarios. In
March 1965, the UN- appointed mediator, Galo Plaza, submitted
a report to Secretary General U Thant containing recommendations
for a settlement; these were found unacceptable by the Turkish
side.
</p>
<p> During the violence of 1963-64 and 1967-68, many Turkish
Cypriots moved to areas of the island that were wholly or
predominantly Turkish Cypriot, leading to the creation of small
but relatively homogeneous Turkish Cypriot enclaves with their
own local administrative apparatus and security forces.
Meanwhile, the Government of Cyprus began functioning in
practice as a purely Greek Cypriot institution, and certain
Greek Cypriot communal bodies established under the constitution
were abolished. After 1964, the Turkish Cypriots increasingly
depended on assistance from the Turkish Government, and both
Greece and Turkey augmented their military contingents on the
island to levels substantially above those permitted under the
1960 Treaty of Alliance.
</p>
<p> The 1967 intercommunal violence precipitated a further
crisis on Cyprus and led to a major confrontation between Greece
and Turkey. Following an attack in November by the Greek
Cypriot National Guard on two Turkish Cypriot villagers, Turkey
moved large numbers of troops to the Thracian border with Greece
and to ports on the southern Turkish coast facing Cyprus. Within
several weeks, however, the crisis was defused, largely through
the mediation of U.S. Presidential Emissary Cyrus Vance. Greece
and Turkey agreed to withdraw from Cyprus all armed forces in
excess of the levels permitted under the Treaty of Alliance.
Subsequently, the Turkish military buildup in Thrace and on the
southern Turkish coast dispersed. Additionally, Gen. Grivas,
the Cypriot-born mainland Greek officer who had led the EOKA
insurgency and had commanded the Greek Cypriot National Guard
since its formation in 1964, resigned his command and returned
to Greece. In the wake of the 1967 crisis, the Turkish Cypriot
leadership set up a Turkish Cypriot Provisional Administration,
headed by an 11-person council, to manage the community's
affairs.
</p>
<p> The 1974 Crisis
</p>
<p> On July 15, 1974, elements of the Cypriot National Guard and
an extremist group calling itself EOKA-B, at the instigation of
the junta-controlled Government of Greece, overthrew President
Makarios and his government. The junta had been hostile to
Makarios for alleged pro-communist leanings, and both the junta
and EOKA-B refused to accept what they perceived as Makarios'
abandonment of enosis. Makarios fled the island in the midst of
heavy fighting among Greek Cypriot factions on July 15-16, and
Nicos Sampson, a newspaper publisher and EOKA-B leader, assumed
control of the government. Sampson's past involvement in
terrorism in support of enosis made him totally unacceptable to
the Turkish Cypriot community and to Turkey. On July 20, the
Turkish Government, citing its obligations under the 1960
Treaty of Guarantee, landed military forces on Cyprus and heavy
fighting ensued. A quickly arranged ceasefire came into effect
on July 22. On July 23, the Sampson regime collapsed, and
Glafcos Clerides, President of the House of Representatives,
became acting president.
</p>
<p> The foreign ministers of the guarantor powers (Greece,
Turkey, and the United Kingdom) met in Geneva July 25-30 in an
effort to consolidate the cease-fire. They convened a second
time on August 8, against a background of cease-fire violations,
massacres, and widespread arrests, to attempt to work out a
long-term settlement of Cyprus. The talks broke down on August
14, and on the same day, Turkish forces launched a second
offensive that ended 2 days later with their occupation of 36%
of the island. More than 160,000 Greek Cypriots were displaced
during this Turkish advance. Some 65,000 Turkish Cypriots also
left the Greek Cypriot-controlled part of the island and moved
to the park under Turkish occupation. After 5 months abroad,
President Makarios returned to Cyprus in December 1974.
</p>
<p> Settlement Efforts
</p>
<p> Efforts have been made almost since the founding of the
republic to develop long-term institutional arrangements in
Cyprus acceptable to both communities that would permit
effective, stable government. Initially, these efforts were ad
hoc consultations between Greek and Turkish involvement. In
June 1968, formal intercommunal negotiations began under UN
auspices. These sessions were sporadic, however, and little
progress was made before the 1974 crisis. With strong diplomatic
support, the talks resumed more intensively in early 1975, but
despite limited agreements on certain humanitarian issues--such as population movement--the two sides made no substantive
progress. In their Brussels Agreement of December 1975, the
Greek and Turkish foreign ministers sought to stimulate the
talks, and hopes rose in February 1976 when the two parties
agreed to exchange substantive proposals on all aspects of the
Cyprus problem. Each side, however, rejected the other's
proposals.
</p>
<p> In February 1977, President Makarios and Turkish Cypriot
leader Denktash met in Nicosia under UN Secretary General Kurt
Waldheim's aegis and agreed on a set of general principles to
guide further negotiations. Shortly after the Makarios-Denktash
meeting, U.S. Special Representative Clark Clifford visited
Ankara, Athens, and Nicosia and obtained the agreement of both
sides to submit new, concrete proposals at the talks--the
Greek Cypriots on territory, the Turkish Cypriots on
constitutional issues. Some probing of positions took place in
the discussions that followed, but followup sessions in May and
June quickly bogged down. Efforts to revive the talks made
little headway until January 1978 when Prime Minister Ecevit
returned to power in Ankara and announced that the Turkish side
would formulate and put forward new territorial and
constitutional proposals. In April of that year, the proposals
were presented to Secretary General Waldheim in Vienna but were
rejected immediately by the Greek Cypriots as an insufficient
basis for resuming negotiations. In July, within the context of
the U.S. congressional debate on lifting the Turkish arms
embargo, Turkish Cypriot leader Denktash offered to permit Greek
Cypriot resettlement of the empty coastal town of Varosha as an
inducement for new talks. This proposal also was rejected by
the Greek Cypriots.
</p>
<p> In the fall of 1978, the United States, in conjunction with
the United Kingdom and Canada, undertook a quiet diplomatic
effort to facilitate a resumption of negotiations. On November
10, a series of proposals on substantive issues designed to
serve as a starting point for new talks was submitted to the
two Cypriot parties. Neither party accepted these suggestions,
and they were specifically rejected by the Greek Cypriots.
Secretary General Waldheim, however, drew on them and presented
a simplified draft agenda to the parties late in December.
</p>
<p> On May 18-19, 1979, under the auspices of the Secretary
General, President Kyprianou met with Turkish Cypriot leader
Denktash. On the basis of a 10-point agreement reached by them,
the intercommunal negotiations resumed briefly in June but then
went into an extended recess. Coinciding with the appointment
of a new Special Representative of the Secretary General,
Ambassador Hugo Gobbi, the sides agreed in a settlement on
August 9, 1980, to renew the intercommunal talks. As well as
confirming the February 1977 and May 1979 agreements, the
statement reaffirmed support for a federal constitution and a
bizonal solution of the territorial aspect of the Cyprus
problem.
</p>
<p> In November 1981, the United Nations presented an
"evaluation" of the negotiations to help generate deeper
substantive discussion. The "evaluation" served as the basis
for talks into early 1983. In August 1983, Secretary General
Perez de Cuellar proposed "parameters" within which the Cypriot
communities could resolve the key issues of governmental
organization and division of territory. These proposals were
accepted as a basis for discussion by the Greek Cypriots a
month later but were rejected by the Turkish Cypriots. A
Turkish Cypriot proposal for a high-level meeting to break the
deadlock failed to renew momentum.
</p>
<p> On November 15, 1983, the Turkish Cypriot community declared
itself the independent "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus."
This action was immediately denounced by the internationally
recognized Government of Cyprus, the United States, and most
other countries. The UN Security Council met in a special
emergency session to deplore this move by the Turkish Cypriots,
and adopted a resolution calling for its reversal. The United
States supported the Council resolution and joined many of its
allies in urging the Turkish Government, the only government to
recognize the new entity, to use its influence to reverse the
Turkish Cypriot action.
</p>
<p> In August 1984, Secretary General Perez de Cuellar launched
a new initiative to achieve an overall Cyprus settlement.
Following three rounds of proximity talks, he developed a "draft
framework agreement" providing the outline of an overall
settlement and an agreed procedure for high-level meetings and
working groups to resolve outstanding issues. He presented the
draft agreement to both sides at a summit under his aegis on
January 17-20, 1985. The summit failed to produce agreement,
however; the Turkish Cypriots accepted the document, but the
Greek Cypriots would only accept the draft as a basis for
negotiations. Subsequently, after further discussions with the
Greek Cypriots, the Secretary General converted his
documentation into a draft agreement and statement. The Greek
Cypriots accepted this documentation in April 1985. In August,
however, the Turkish Cypriot side informed the Secretary General
that it had difficulties with the documentation.
</p>
<p> Following lower level talks between Secretariat officials
and the two parties, the Secretary General produced a new draft
framework agreement in March 1986. After some initial
qualifications, Mr. Denktash accepted the document. President
Kyprianou did not accept the draft agreement and told the
Secretary General that priority should be given to discussing
the withdrawal of Turkish troops and settlers, international
guarantees, and the application of the "three freedoms"
(freedom of movement, freedom of settlement, and right of
property). He requested that an international conference be
convened to deal with the first two issues or, if this did not
prove possible, that the Secretary General convene a meeting of
the two Cypriot leaders to deal with all three issues. The
Secretary General is continuing his efforts in the search for
a peaceful, mutually acceptable settlement.
</p>
<p>Political Conditions
</p>
<p> There are four major Greek Cypriot political parties--the
conservative Democratic Rally, the center-right Democratic
Party, socialist EDEK, and communist AKEL. None has been able
to elect a president by itself or dominate the 56-seat House of
Representatives.
</p>
<p> Spyros Kyprianou, Democratic Party leader, became President
after Makarios' death in 1977. Kyprianou originally succeeded
to the presidency, according to constitutional provisions, from
his position as President of the House of Representatives, and
was elected for an interim period and re-elected without
opposition for a full term in February 1978. In 1983, Kyprianou
entered into an electoral alliance with AKEL and won a second
5-year term over Democratic Rally leader Glafkos Clerides and
EDEK leader Vassos Lyssarides, obtaining 56% of the vote.
</p>
<p> Presidential elections were held in February 1988, resulting
in the defeat of President Kyprianou after 10 years in office.
In the February 14 first round of elections, no candidate
received a majority, resulting in a runoff election between
Democratic Rally Party candidate Glafkos Clerides and
Independent candidate George Vassiliou. First round voting
percentages were Spyros Kyprianou 27.29%, Glafkos Clerides
33.32%, Vassos Lyssarides 9.22%, George Vassiliou 30.11%, and
Independent Thrassos Georghiades 0.06%. Vassiliou won in
February 21 second round with 51.63% of the votes over Clerides'
48.37%.
</p>
<p> Vassiliou ran as an Independent but was supported by AKEL
and the small Liberal Party of Former Foreign Minister Nicos
Rolandis in the first round. In the second round, he also picked
up the support of Lyssarides and EDEK. Vassiliou had no previous
direct involvement in Cypriot politics. He established the
Middle East Marketing Research Bureau in 1962 and the Middle
East Centre for Management Studies and the Middle East Centre
for Computing Studies in 1984.
</p>
<p> In the December 1985 parliamentary elections, the Democratic
Rally won 33.56%, the Democratic Party 27.6%, AKEL declined
from its traditional one-third to 27.4%, and EDEK won 11.07% of
the vote. EDEK leader Lyssarides--with Democratic Party
support--was elected to the presidency of the House of
Representatives.
</p>
<p> In the May 1986 municipal elections, AKEL rebounded with
32.53% of the vote, the Rally won 32.59%, the Democratic Party,
23.4%, and EDEK 11.14%.
</p>
<p> The Turkish Cypriots last held parallel elections with the
Greek Cypriots in 1973, when Rauf Denktash, then intercommunal
negotiator for the Turkish Cypriot side, was elected without
opposition as the Vice President of Cyprus. Since the 1974
hostilities and the formation of the TFSC, however, the Turkish
Cypriots regard the constitutional order of 1960 as abolished.
</p>
<p> Following the November 1983 declaration of independence,
Denktash appointed a Council of Ministers for the self-
proclaimed "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC)." On May
5, 1985, a referendum was held on a new constitution that
received the approval of 70% of the voting electorate. The June
1985 assembly elections were fought under a new electoral law
in which only parties winning at least 8% of the vote could win
seats. Under this law, the center-right National Unity Party
won 24 of the Assembly's 50 seats, the Marxist Republican
Turkish Party won 12, and the leftist Communal Liberation Party,
10. The New Dawn Party, whose supporters consisted almost
entirely of Turkish mainland settlers, won four seats. An
NUP-CLP coalition was formed, with NUP leader Dervish Eroglu as
prime minister. This government fell in August 1986 over an
economic policy dispute and was succeeded by an NUP-NDP
coalition, also headed by Eroglu.
</p>
<p> Political Dynamics
</p>
<p> The 165,000 Greek Cypriot refugees constitute a potent
political force. They strongly support a Cyprus settlement that
would permit them to return to homes and properties in northern
Cyprus. The government has taken extraordinary and generally
effective measures to ease the refugees' situation. With
international (largely U.S.) assistance, the government has
constructed large housing tracts, made cash payments to the
needy, and provided health care and vocational education. A
second significant political force among the Greek Cypriots is
the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, an independent branch of Greek
Orthodoxy. Traditionally, the Archbishop of the Cypriot Church
has been the "ethnarch," or leader, of the Orthodox community,
exercising broad influence in temporal as well as
ecclesiastical matters. Makarios formally combined the roles of
president and archbishop; his religious successor, Chrysostomos,
wields less political influence.
</p>
<p>Source: U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs,
April 1988.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>